Nelson Mandela’s descendants include six children, 17 grandchildren, 19 great-grandchildren – and more. Download full-size image. (Mary Alexander, CC BY 4.0)

Mandela’s father was Mphakanyiswa Gadla Henry Mandela, who died in 1930. His mother was Nonqaphi Fanny Nosekeni, who died in 1968.

Mandela was married three times and had six children.

• READ MORE: Nelson Mandela 1918-2013: the timeline of a lifetime

Marriage and children

In 1944, at the age of 26, Mandela married Evelyn Ntoko Mase (1922-2004). They had four children together, three of whom died tragically.

Mandela’s first child, Madiba Thembekile Mandela – known as Thembi – was born in 1945. Thembi died in a car accident in 1969 while his father was in prison. Mandela was not allowed to attend his son’s funeral.

A second child, daughter Makaziwe (or Maki) Mandela, died in infancy in 1948.

Mandela and Evelyn Mase’s third child was Makgatho Lewanika Mandela, a son born in 1950. He died of an Aids-related illness in 2005.

Their fourth and surviving child was a daughter, Pumla Makaziwe Mandela – also known as Maki and named for her infant sister – who was born in 1954.

Mandela and Evelyn Mase divorced on 19 March 1958.

On 14 June 1958 Mandela, aged 40, married Winnie (Winifred) Nomzamo Zanyiwe Madikizela, who was born in 1936.

They had two children, both daughters.

Zenani Dlamini-Mandela was born in 1959.

Zindziswa Mandela, Nelson Mandela’s youngest child, was born in 1960. Zindzi, as she was known, died on 13 July 2020 in the midst of the Covid-19 pandemic. She was buried next to her mother on 17 July, the day before 18 July – her father’s birthday, known worldwide as Mandela Day.

Mandela and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela divorced on 19 March 1996.

On 18 July 1998 – his 80th birthday – Mandela married Graça Machel, who was born in 1945. Machel is the widow of slain Mozambican president Samora Machel.

Grandchildren

Nelson Mandela had 17 grandchildren, nine born to the children of Evelyn Mase and eight born to the children of Winnie Madikizela-Mandela.

Grandchildren with Evelyn Mase

Thembi Mandela had two daughters: Ndileka Mandela (born in 1965) and Nandi Mandela (born in 1968).

Makgatho Mandela had four sons: Mandla Mandela (born in 1974), Ndaba Mandela (born in 1983), Mbuso Mandela (born in 1991) and Andile Mandela (born in 1993).

Pumla Maki Mandela has three children: daughter Tukwini Mandela (born in 1974) and sons Dumani Mandela (born in 1976) and Kweku Mandela (born in 1985).

Grandchildren with Winnie Madikizela-Mandela

Zenani Dlamini-Mandela has four children: daughters Zaziwe Manaway (born in 1977) and Zamaswazi Dlamini (born in 1979), and sons Zinhle Dlamini (born in 1980) and Zozuko Dlamini (born in 1992).

Zindzi Mandela also has four children: daughter Zoleka Mandela (born in 1980, died 2023) and sons Zondwa Mandela (born in 1985), Bambatha Mandela (born in 1989) and Zwelabo Mandela (born in 1992).

Great-grandchildren

The eldest of Mandela’s 19 great-grandchildren was born in 1984, while he was still in prison, and the youngest in 2017 – a span of 33 years.

Great-grandchildren with Evelyn Mase

Thembi Mandela’s family:

Nandi Mandela has a son: Hlanganani Mandela, born in 1986.

Ndileka Mandela has two children: son Thembela Mandela (born in 1984) and daughter Pumla Mandela (born in 1993).

Makgatho Mandela’s family:

Mandla Mandela has two sons: Qheya II Zanethemba Mandela (born in 2011) and Mntwanenkosi Mandela Ikraam Mandela (born in 2017).

Ndaba Mandela also has two sons: Lewanika Ngubencuka Mandela (born in 2010) and Makgabane Sandlasamadlomo Mandela (born in 2015).

Great-grandchildren with Winnie Madikizela-Mandela

Zenani Dlamini-Mandela’s family:

Zaziwe Manaway has three children: son Ziyanda Manaway (born in 2000), daughter Zipokhazi Manaway (born in 2009), and son Zenkosi John Brunson Manaway (born in 2012).

Zamaswazi Dlamini has a daughter: Zamakhosi Obiri (born in 2008).

Zinhle Dlamini has two daughters: Zinokuhle Marlo Dlamini (born in 2014) and Zenzelwe Marli Mandela Dlamini (born in 2016).

Zindzi Mandela’s family:

Zoleka Mandela had four children, two of whom have tragically died. Her daughter Zenani Mandela was born in 1997, and died in 2010. Her son Zenawe Zibuyile Mandela died in infancy in 2011. Zoleka’s surviving children are a son, Zwelami Mandela (born in 2003), and a daughter, Zanyiwe Zenzile Bashala (born in 2014).

On 25 September 2023 Zoleka Mandela herself died after a long battle with cancer. In a statement, the Nelson Mandela Foundation acknowledged her as a “tireless activist for healthcare and justice”.

Zondwa Mandela has two children: daughter Zazi Kazimla Vitalia Mandela (born in 2010) and son Ziwelene Linge Mandela (born in 2011).

Sources

• Nelson Mandela Foundation
• South African History Online
• Globe and Mail
• Daily Dispatch

Researched, designed and written by Mary Alexander.
Updated on 29 September 2024.
Comments? Email mary1alexander@gmail.com

The post Nelson Mandela’s family tree appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

Kids at a community meeting in Elsies River, Cape Town. South Africa’s Bill of Rights includes a section dedicated to the specific rights of children. (Image: GCIS)

South Africa’s Bill of Rights, chapter 2 of the constitution, is one of the most progressive in the world. It protects the human rights of everyone in the country – citizen, visitor, refugee or migrant.

Its preamble reads:

This Bill of Rights is a cornerstone of democracy in South Africa. It enshrines the rights of all people in our country and affirms the democratic values of human dignity, equality and freedom.

The bill was adopted in 1996, just two years after the first democratic elections that finally ended formal apartheid. All laws and organs of state must respect the Bill of Rights. The state must protect and promote the rights it sets out, and make sure they are fulfilled.

But do you really know your rights? Our no-nonsense guide will help you understand your rights, and the rights of everyone else.

You can also read the full text of the Bill of Rights in 11 of South Africa’s official languages.

Jump to your rights:

Equality

Everyone is equal.

You have the right to the same protection by the law as everyone else.

Nobody is allowed to unfairly discriminate against you because of your race, gender, sex, pregnancy, marital status, ethnic or social origin, colour, sexual orientation, age, disability, religion, conscience, belief, culture, language or birth.

Human dignity

You have inherent dignity.

You have the right to have your dignity respected and protected.

Life

You have the right to life.

Freedom and security of the person

You have the right to freedom.

You have the right not to be deprived of your freedom for no reason, or for an unjust reason.

You have the right not to be put into jail without a trial.

You have the right not to be a victim of violence, whether it’s violence done by other people, or by the state.

You have the right not to be tortured.

You have the right not to treated in a cruel, inhuman or degrading way.

You have the right to control your own body.

You have the right to make your own decisions about pregnancy, childbirth and whether or not you want to have children.

Slavery, servitude and forced labour

Nobody is allowed to enslave you, make you work for no pay, or force you to work.

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Privacy

You have the right to your privacy.

Nobody is allowed to search you or your home, take your belongings, or monitor your private conversations, texts, phone calls or emails.

Freedom of religion, belief and opinion

You have the right to practise any religion you want. Nobody may force you to follow a religion.

You have the right to your own opinions and beliefs.

Freedom of expression

You have the right to express yourself freely, to say what you want to say.

You have the right to get information from a free and open media.

You have the right to be told new information and ideas, and to tell other people new information and ideas.

You have the right to create any art you want.

You have the right to learn and research whatever you want.

But you can’t abuse your freedom of expression to encourage war or other violence, or promote hatred for other people because of their race, ethnicity, gender or religion.

Assembly, demonstration, picket and petition

You have the right to come together with other people to demonstrate, picket or present petitions – as long as you do it peacefully, and don’t carry weapons.

Freedom of association

You have the right to spend time with anyone you choose.

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Political rights

You have the right to make your own political choices.

You have the right to take part in the activities of any political party, and recruit members for that party.

You have the right to campaign for any political party.

If you are a citizen, you have the right to free, fair and regular elections.

If you are an adult citizen, you have the right to vote in elections for the political party of your choice – and to keep your vote secret. You also have the right to stand for public office and, if elected, to hold that office.

Citizenship

If you are a citizen of South Africa, no-one can take that citizenship away from you.

Freedom of movement and residence

You have the right to freedom of movement – to travel anywhere in South Africa.

You have the right to leave South Africa.

You have the right to live anywhere in South Africa.

If you are a citizen, you have the right to a passport.

Freedom of trade, occupation and profession

You have the right to choose your own trade, job or profession.

Labour relations

You have the right to fair labour practices at work.

Workers have the right to form and join a trade union.

Employers have the right to form and join an employers’ organisation.

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Environment

You have the right to live in an environment that does not harm your health or wellbeing.

You have the right to have the environment protected now, and for future generations.

Property

No-one may take your property away from you.

The state may only take your property for specific reasons – for a public purpose or in the public interest. If it does have to take your property, it has to pay you the right price for it.

Housing

You have the right to proper housing.

The state must work to make sure you have housing.

You have the right not to be evicted from your home, or have your home torn down, without a court ordering it.

Healthcare, food, water and social security

You have the right to basic healthcare. This includes the right to reproductive health care – for contraception, pregnancy and childbirth.

You have the right to the food and water you need.

You have the right to emergency medical treatment. If your life is in danger, no hospital or healthcare worker may refuse to treat you.

If you can’t afford to support yourself or your family, the state must help you.

Children

Every child – anyone under 18– has the right to a name and nationality from birth.

Children have the right to be cared for by their parents or family, or to get proper foster care if needed.

They have the right to basic food, shelter, healthcare and social support.

Children must be protected from abuse and neglect.

They also have the right to be protected from work that is harmful or takes advantage of them.

Find out more about children’s rights.

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Education

You have the right to basic education, whether you are a child or an adult.

You have the right to further education.

In public schools, universities and colleges, you have the right to be educated in the official South African language of your choice – where this is possible.

Language and culture

You have the right to use whatever language you want, and take part in any cultural life – as long as this doesn’t infringe on the rights of others.

Cultural, religious and linguistic communities

You have the right to enjoy your culture, practise your religion and use your language.

You may also form, join and maintain cultural, religious and language organisations.

But you can’t exercise these rights in a way that infringes on the rights of others.

Access to information

You have the right to access any information held by the state.

You have the right to get any information held by someone else if you need it to protect or exercise your rights.

Just administrative action

You have the right to fair, legal and reasonable decisions by government or public officials.

If a decision harms your rights, you must be given written reasons.

The law must allow you to challenge unfair decisions in court or through an independent body. It must also make sure the government respects your rights and that public services run efficiently.

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Access to courts

You have the right to have any legal dispute settled in a fair public hearing by a court or by another independent and unbiased body.

Arrested, detained and accused people

If the police arrest you, you have the right to remain silent. They must tell you this right as soon as possible, and explain what could happen if you do speak.

You have the right to speak to a lawyer.

No-one can force you to say anything that could be used against you in court.

You must be brought to court as soon as possible – within 48 hours, or by the end of the first court day after 48 hours.

At your first court appearance, the court must either charge you with a crime or explain why you are being kept in jail. Otherwise, you must be released.

Limitation of rights

Some of your rights are limited if exercising those rights would infringe on the rights of others. Rights may also be limited under strict conditions such as a state of emergency.

These limitations may only be set out in laws that apply to everyone, and only if the limitation is reasonable and can be justified in a democratic society. The importance of the right must be examined, as must the purpose of the limitation and whether there are less restrictive ways to achieve the purpose.

Rights can never be limited without good reason. And some core rights – non-derogable rights – may never be limited, even under a state of emergency.

The non-derogable rights are:

• Equality
• Human dignity
• Life
• Freedom from torture and cruel treatment
• Freedom from slavery and forced labour
• Children’s rights
• The rights of arrested, detained and accused people

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The text in all languages

Read the full text of the Bill of Rights (PDF) in 11 of South Africa’s official languages:

Afrikaans | English | isiNdebele | isiXhosa | isiZulu | Sepedi | Sesotho | Setswana | siSwati | Tshivenda | Xitsonga

Constitutional and statutory bodies

Constitutional Court of South Africa – The highest court in South Africa on constitutional matters. It interprets, protects and enforces the constitution.

South African Human Rights Commission – Independent state institution established by the constitution to promote, monitor and assess observance of human rights.

Public interest law centres and legal advocacy organisations

Legal Resources Centre – Nonprofit public interest law centre that provides legal services to poor and marginalised communities.

Section27 – Public interest legal organisation focusing on access to healthcare services and basic education.

Lawyers for Human Rights – Nongovernmental organisation offering legal services and advocacy, including refugee and migrant rights programmes.

Centre for Applied Legal Studies at Wits University – Human rights law clinic engaged in legal research, strategic litigation and advocacy.

Academic and research-based human rights centres

Centre for Human Rights at the University of Pretoria – Academic department and advocacy centre working to promote human rights through education, research and litigation.

African Centre for Migration & Society at Wits University – Research institute focused on human mobility, migration and related policy issues in the Southern African region.

Social justice and community advocacy organisations

Black Sash – Nongovernmental organisation promoting social justice and access to social protection in South Africa.

Equal Education – Movement advocating for equality and quality in public education, involving learners, parents and community members.

Sonke Gender Justice – Civil society organisation that supports gender equality and works to prevent gender-based violence.

Ahmed Kathrada Foundation – Nonprofit organisation promoting nonracialism, constitutional democracy and active citizenship.

Migrant, refugee and anti-xenophobia organisations

Scalabrini Centre of Cape Town – Nonprofit organisation providing support and advocacy for migrants, asylum seekers and refugees.

Consortium for Refugees and Migrants in South Africa (CoRMSA) – Civil society network that promotes the rights of asylum seekers, refugees and migrants in South Africa.

International human rights bodies in South Africa

Unicef South Africa – South African office of the United Nations Children’s Fund, focusing on child rights, education, health and protection.

UNHCR regional office for Southern Africa – The United Nations Refugee Agency’s regional office supports and protects refugees and asylum seekers in South Africa and neighbouring countries.

Amnesty International South Africa – Branch of the global human rights organisation, focusing on advocacy, campaigns and research on human rights in South Africa.

Human Rights Watch (Africa division) – Monitors and reports on human rights developments in South Africa and across the region, with periodic investigations and advocacy.

News and information

GroundUp – Independent news service reporting on community-level issues, socioeconomic rights, service delivery, housing, education, migration and legal developments.

Spotlight – Public interest health journalism platform monitoring South Africa’s response to TB, HIV, health systems performance and health rights.

Bhekisisa Centre for Health Journalism – Nonprofit health media organisation producing evidence-based reporting on public health policy and social justice impacts.

Africa Check – Nonprofit fact-checking organisation verifying public claims and data across Africa to support informed public debate and counter misinformation affecting policy and rights.

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Image credits

All images are in the public domain, licensed as Creative Commons (CC). Credit for specific images as follows:

• Political rights, citizenship, children, communities, just administration, arrested & accused people courtesy of GCIS. Licensed CC BY-ND 4.0.
• Slavery, servitude & forced labour courtesy of Image Journeys. Licensed CC BY-ND 2.0.
• Limitation of rights courtesy of JackAZ Photo. Licensed CC BY-NC-SA 2.0.
• Human rights bodies courtesy of Brian Smithson. Licensed CC BY 2.0.
• All other images courtesy of MediaClub. Licensed CC BY-SA 2.0.

Researched, written and designed by Mary Alexander.
Updated August 2025.
Comments? Email mary1alexander@gmail.com.

Disclaimer: This is a guide. It is not legal advice.

The post The plain language guide to South Africa’s Bill of Rights appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

Map of South Africa showing the percentage of households living in poverty in each municipality, according to data from the Statistics South Africa Community Survey 2016.

South Africa’s poorest province is the Eastern Cape. The wealthiest province is Gauteng. Around 880,000 of the mostly rural Eastern Cape’s people live in poverty. In Gauteng, a city region with the best opportunities for jobs, some 610,000 people live in poverty.

These numbers are calculated from Statistics South Africa’s 2016 Community Survey.

Poverty in South Africa has deep historical roots that show up in more recent movements of people.

Map of South Africa showing estimated numbers of people living in poverty. The numbers are calculated from the population, poverty headcount and average household size of each municipality.

The reason so many South Africans live in poverty, in a middle-income country, is apartheid and colonialism. Apartheid was a crude attempt at social engineering designed to make black South Africans a cheap and plentiful source of labour. It was preceded by centuries of Dutch and then British colonialism that had the same goal, but with cruder mechanisms.

Colonialism and apartheid excluded the majority of people from meaningful participation in the economy. It made South Africa poorer than it should have been.

South Africa has a wealth of resources. But for centuries, this potential was squandered.

A government policy designed to keep most of its people poor seems absurd. But until 1994 South Africa was not a democracy. The only electorate the government had to please was white people.

Colonial and apartheid planners purposefully built a system that prevented black South Africans from earning, prospering and contributing to the wealth of the country. That sucked the potential for growth out of the economy.

Click animation to view from the start.

Today, geographical patterns of poverty on the map of South Africa still correspond to the apartheid “homelands”, barren rural regions far from cities, packed with people but with little infrastructure, no development and few jobs. Municipalities with high percentages of people living in poverty are today often found in regions that were once homelands.

But when we look at total numbers of people living in poverty, the cities stand out. Cities have larger numbers of people, so more people living in poverty are likely to be found there.

Migration from the rural areas to the cities is an important feature of recent South African history. Apartheid laws confined the poor to the rural areas. Once those laws were lifted in the late 1980s, poor people began to move to the cities – where they often stayed poor. And they keep moving.

How is poverty measured?

People are living there. Children play and adults work in Alexandra township, one of the poorest areas in Gauteng. Alex lies on the border of the wealthy suburb of Sandton, said to be the richest square mile in Africa. (CA Bloem)

Poverty is easy to see, but less easy to define – or to measure across a city, a province or a country. Many measures of poverty use money. If a person lives on less than a certain threshold income they are considered to be living in poverty.

Income is used for the three national poverty lines developed in South Africa. These are the food poverty line (set at R531 per person per month in April 2017), the lower-bound poverty line (R758) and the upper-bound poverty line (R1,138).

Another picture can be painted when we look beyond income to the other ways people experience poverty. How does poverty reveal itself in people’s health, their level of education, the dwelling they live in, how they cook their food, the water they drink? Poverty examined according to different types of deprivation is known as multidimensional poverty.

For its 2016 Community Survey, on which the maps on this page were based, Statistics South Africa used the South African Multidimensional Poverty Index.

Click animation to view from the start.

The index calculates the poverty of households according to four aspects of life: health, education, living standards and economic activity.

These four are known as the dimensions of poverty. Each dimension is assessed according to different indicators.

The poverty indicators

The health dimension has only one indicator: child mortality, or whether a child under the age of five living in the household has died in the past year.

Education has two indicators. One is years of schooling, or whether no person in the household aged 15 or older has completed five years of schooling. The other, school attendance, looks at whether any school-age child seven to 15 years old does not attend school.

Living standards has seven indicators, to do with fuel, water, sanitation, type of dwelling and ownership of assets. What fuel does the household use for lighting, heating and cooking? Is there piped water in the dwelling? Does the household have a flushing toilet? What kind of dwelling does the household live in? What does the household own?

Economic activity is measured by joblessness: whether all the adults, people aged 15 to 64, are out of work.

Each household is scored according to these indicators. If the score is 33.3% or more, the household is living in poverty – they are “multidimensionally poor”.

Intensity of poverty

The score also measures the intensity of poverty.

In the 2016 Community Survey, the average intensity of the poverty experienced by multidimensionally poor people in the nine provinces ranged from 40.1% in the Western Cape to 44.1% in Gauteng.

* Estimate

In Gauteng, only 4.6% of the population live in poverty. But the poverty experienced in Gauteng, the wealthiest province, is the most intense.

The multidimensional poverty index is not intended to replace the other important measures of poverty.

The food poverty line, for example, is the rand value below which people are unable to buy enough food to give them the minimum daily energy requirement for adequate health.

The multidimensional index, Statistics South Africa says, should rather be seen as “a complementary measure to these money-metric measures”.

How do we fight poverty?

According to the World Bank, South Africa is the most unequal country in the world. This is not only inequality of income. As the bank said in a report: “Inequality of opportunity, measured by the influence of race, parents’ education, parents’ occupation, place of birth, and gender influence opportunities, is high.”

South Africa’s social welfare system attempts to reduce the worst deprivations of poverty. This “social wage” is paid to the poor in a number of ways.

It includes free primary healthcare, no-fee schools, RDP housing and housing subsidies, free basic water, electricity and sanitation for the poorest households, and social grants.

When South Africa became a democracy in 1994, social protection was introduced as a short-term measure to ease the dire poverty created by apartheid. But social grants are now the only livelihood of many South Africans, and remain essential to reducing poverty.

Sources

• Statistics South Africa Community Survey 2016
• Community Survey 2016: Provinces at a Glance
• The South African Multidimensional Poverty Index
• Statistics South Africa: Poverty Trends in South Africa
• World Bank and Statistics South Africa: Overcoming Poverty and Inequality in South Africa
• South African Social Security Agency: New social grant amounts
• South African Social Security Agency: Statistical reports

Read more

• Animation: Measuring the dimensions of poverty in South Africa
• Infographic: Exploring poverty in South Africa’s provinces
• The provinces and ‘homelands’ of South Africa before 1996
• Map: Distribution of South Africa’s races
• The nine provinces of South Africa
• Infographic: Population density in South Africa’s provinces
• The economies of South Africa’s provinces
• South Africa’s population

Researched, written and designed by Mary Alexander.
Updated 8 July 2025.
Comments? Email mary1alexander@gmail.com

The post Mapping poverty in South Africa appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

Detail of the cover of Kippie Moeketsi’s solo album Hard Top (1976), with artwork by Mafa Ngwenya. (Image courtesy of As-Shams Archive)

Gwen Ansell • 31 July 2025

It’s a century since the birth of reedman Jeremiah Morolong “Kippie” Moeketsi on 27 July 1925. He was one of the most influential saxophonists shaping South Africa’s modern jazz style.

Kippie Moeketsi’s short-run recordings are now being reissued. (Image: Ian Bruce Huntley/Africa Media Online)

He died in poverty aged 57, in 1983, when black jazz in South Africa remained undervalued outside its community. His cultural legacy is only just coming into the light and there is still no definitive biography. As a researcher and commentator on South African jazz history, I’ve written about the biographical landmarks of his life.

A hundred years ago, South Africa was a British-ruled colonial state. Many of the race-based socioeconomic inequalities, and prejudices against and restrictions on the free movement of people of colour, were already in place.

It was apartheid, imposed by the Afrikaner-dominated National Party in 1948, that formalised them into a punitive legal framework. This was just as just as Moeketsi was beginning his career as a freelance musician.

Many of Moeketsi’s recordings, as was usual for black jazz at the time, were published only in short-run releases. But thanks to a wave of reissues from independent labels – the most recent, Hard Top from As-Shams this year – it is newly accessible.

The playing will knock your socks off.

Reedmen I’ve talked to say they can still hear the clarinet – his first instrument – in his sax sound: fluid, gravity-defying runs, mastery of space and dynamics, and plaintive, soul-stirring sustains – one of the characteristics that gives him a unique voice.

A musical family

Tshona! by Pat Matshikiza and Kippie Moketsi was reissued in 2022, nearly half a century after its 1975 release. (Image courtesy of As-Shams Archive)

Although his exact birthplace in Johannesburg isn’t recorded, when he was a child Moeketsi’s family settled in George Goch location, a rundown “African township” in the era before Soweto was established. He was the youngest of a musical family: his father, a municipal clerk, was also a church organist, his mother sang, and all four of his older brothers played an instrument.

Unlike his studious brothers, school bored Moeketsi. He would regularly truant, caddying for local golfers and getting up to all kinds of minor mischief. His mother, determined to return him to class, hunted among the mine dumps, calling “kippie, kippie, kippie” to locate her wayward chick. The nickname stuck.

Moeketsi left after junior school and did a variety of casual jobs: cleaner, delivery boy and others. His brother Lapis had gifted him a clarinet; on that he discovered how much music fascinated him. He had occasional lessons from his brothers Jacob — who had played piano for the pioneering Jazz Maniacs — and Andrew, both of whom played classical music and jazz.

But there were plenty of music books in the Moeketsi home and from those he mainly taught himself, after finishing his boring day jobs. Sometimes he would practice through the night, provoking angry complaints from neighbours. He learned to read music, and switched from clarinet to saxophone.

“Once you know a clarinet,” he said, “the saxophone is a boy.”

Recordings: from Clarinet Kwela to King Kong

Not much of Moeketsi’s early clarinet playing is currently available. There’s the 1958 Clarinet Kwela with the Marabi Kings, which demonstrates his interesting ideas about ornament and timing, even on an opportunistic pop single. And then there’s the heartbreaking Sad Times, Bad Times from the recording of the 1959 all-black jazz opera King Kong, filled with dark foreboding up to its wailing, beautifully sustained final note.

Moeketsi recorded prolifically in the fifties, with big-name local bands such as the Harlem Swingsters, the Jazz Maniacs and the Jazz Dazzlers, leading various small groups of his own, playing support for the likes of Manhattan Brothers, Dolly Rathebe and Dorothy Masuka and in multiple formations from trio to septet with the band name Shanty Town. He featured on visiting US pianist John Mehegan’s two Jazz in Africa albums and as part of the legendary Jazz Epistles Verse One.

Kippie Moeketsi at piano with, from left, musicians Basil Coetzee, Pat Matshikiza, Selby Ntuli, producer Rashid Vally, Sipho Mabuse and Alec Khaoli. (Image courtesy As-Shams Archive)

Tragedy in London

In 1961 King Kong secured a short London run. For many cast members such as Hugh Masekela this provided the opportunity to escape into exile. Moeketsi was also part of the cast, but what happened to him in London is more tragic.

He’d been mugged and beaten during a Johannesburg robbery, which delayed his arrival in London, and was still taking medication (probably for concussion) when he arrived. Fellow cast members remember him disagreeing violently with the London producer about changes to the score and arrangements and what he considered exploitative treatment of musicians.

There was heavy drinking behind the scenes and, despite his medication, Moeketsi joined in. Eventually, theatre management had him committed to a psychiatric hospital where he was given electroconvulsive therapy, or ECT.

The 2025 rerelease of Hard Top. (Image courtesy of As-Shams Archive)

The British doctors believed his obsession with music was unbalancing him. They’d never seen creative Africans trying to survive under apartheid. Every black musician of that era I’ve interviewed names music-making as the only thing keeping them sane; it was life offstage (plus too often getting paid in alcohol) that was maddening.

The ECT left a lifelong legacy of intermittent depression, crippling brain fog and memory lapses.

Back in South Africa, when many of his peers were settling down and reining in the habits of their shared wild youth, those frustrations drove Moeketsi to drink harder. He continued to play, but the depression dogged him. Eventually, after customs officers confiscated his sax following a gig in then-Rhodesia, and he couldn’t afford to replace it, he stopped playing altogether for a while.

Artist and rebel – not ‘sad man of jazz’

These frustrations were the origin of Moeketsi’s soubriquet “sad man of jazz”. But, like much written about the jazz life of black musicians, it embodies a pervasive racist stereotype that both exoticises and diminishes the truth about creative black musicianship.

Photos of Moeketsi on the stand show an artist caught in the intensity of making music. (Image courtesy of As-Shams Archive)

Moeketsi was no unschooled, mad, untameable “natural” genius sprung from squalor. He came from a home filled with music books. He studied and practiced devotedly to master his craft. His irresponsible youth had been no different from many of his peers’. It was having been, in his words, “made stupid” by ECT that fuelled his subsequent despair and alcoholism.

That, plus the chilling frustrations of daring to be an artist and rebel under apartheid.

Fans know the story of Scullery Department, his composition protesting that black musicians were good enough to entertain white club patrons, but not to eat in the same room. Less well-known is that at the venue provoking that anger, Moeketsi declared the band would strike unless the manager served them at a club dining table. They were the top jazz outfit of their time, and the manager eventually gave in, apartheid rules or not.

Look at photos of Moeketsi on the stand, caught in the intensity of making music: he was by no means always sad.

Dismissing the caricature

South African musicians I have interviewed all dismissed the caricature of a sad and occasionally mean drunk as irrelevant to the Moeketsi they’d known. They remembered him as a proud nationalist, a brilliant player, and a stern but empathetic mentor.

Bassist Victor Ntoni recalled:

He defied all the rules of apartheid, because he was a son of the soil.

Singer Sophie Mngcina:

Wherever he played, he was a wonder to listen to.

Vocalist Thandi Klaasen:

He was my brother. He taught me … he was really concerned for me to do my best.

And pianist Pat Matshikiza:

He was a perfectionist … you had to learn at a high level working with him.

And from 1971, when he got a new instrument, Moeketsi played triumphantly and beautifully again for another seven years, as a peer of the country’s other jazz legends, including Dollar Brand (later Abdullah Ibrahim, whom Moeketsi had mentored), Allen Kwela, Dennis Mpale, Matshikiza, Mike Makhalemele and visiting US star Hal Singer.

Rest in power and music, Morolong. I hope your prayer for a better world has been answered.

Gwen Ansell is an associate of the Gordon Institute for Business Science at the University of Pretoria.
This article was originally published by The Conversation on 28 July 2025 under a Creative Commons licence.

The post Kippie Moeketsi at 100: the soul-stirring story of a South African jazz legend appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

In 1990 Nelson Mandela and Oliver Tambo reunited after three decades apart – the first in prison, the second in exile. (University of the Western Cape Robben Island Mayibuye Museum Archive, courtesy of GCIS)

“Mandela and Tambo” read the brass plate on the door of the attorneys’ shabby offices in downtown Johannesburg. It was late 1952, four years after the National Party victory, and the two young partners of South Africa’s first black-owned law firm were busy.

“Mandela and Tambo was besieged with clients,” Nelson Mandela wrote in his autobiography Long Walk to Freedom, published in 1994. “We were not the only African lawyers in South Africa, but we were the only firm of African lawyers.

“For Africans, we were the firm of first choice and last resort. To reach our offices each morning, we had to move through a crowd of people in the hallways, on the stairs, and in our small waiting room.”

Oliver Tambo’s memories presaged Mandela’s. “For years we worked side by side in our offices near the courts,” he wrote in his 1965 introduction to Ruth First’s No Easy Road to Freedom. “To reach our desks each morning, Nelson and I ran the gauntlet of patient queues of people overflowing from the chairs in the waiting room into the corridors.”

• READ MORE: Nelson Mandela 1918-2013: the timeline of a lifetime

An exhibit at today’s Chancellor House Museum shows the famous 1952 photograph by Jürgen Schadeberg of Nelson Mandela inside the law offices he shared with Oliver Tambo. (Johan Wessels / CC BY SA 2.0)

Tambo and Mandela were highly educated young men, the products of independent missionary schools and the University of Fort Hare. They thought they knew what racial injustice was all about. But their experience of overflowing human misery in their cramped lawyers’ offices opened their eyes to the real suffering of ordinary people.

“Handcuffed blacks were arrested for being in white area illegally.” Ernest Cole describes this image from the 1960s in his book House of Bondage. (© Ernest Cole Family Trust / The Hasselblad Foundation)

Tambo wrote: “South Africa has the dubious reputation of boasting one of the highest prison populations in the world.

“Jails are jam-packed with Africans imprisoned for serious offences – and crimes of violence are ever on the increase in apartheid society – but also for petty infringements of statutory law that no really civilised society would punish with imprisonment.

“To be unemployed is a crime … To be landless can be a crime … To brew African beer, to drink it or to use the proceeds to supplement the meagre family income is a crime … To cheek a white man can be a crime. To live in the ‘wrong’ area – an area declared white or Indian or coloured – is a crime for Africans.”

Beginnings

Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela and Oliver Reginald Tambo met at Fort Hare in the 1930s.

The institution was renowned for producing leading African intellectuals for more than 40 years until its proud academic standards were gutted by the apartheid government in 1959. Govan Mbeki was a graduate, as was Robert Sobukwe, Dennis Brutus and Can Themba.

Fort Hare was the start of a partnership – as friends, attorneys and comrades – that would last 60 years.

Mandela would become South Africa’s most famous political prisoner and first democratically elected president, while Tambo joined the struggle in exile and served as president of the African National Congress from 1967 to 1991.

The Union Hall and gardens of the University of Fort Hare in 1930. (Wikimedia Commons)

The two had different memories of their first meeting. Mandela, always the sportsman, recalled it being on a football field. Tambo, a studious young man, remembered it as at a campus protest.

On Sundays, Mandela would venture out to teach bible classes at rural villages near Fort Hare.

“One of my comrades on these expeditions was a serious young science scholar whom I had met on the soccer field,” he wrote.

“He came from Pondoland, in the Transkei, and his name was Oliver Tambo. From the start, I saw that Oliver’s intelligence was diamond-edged; he was a keen debater and did not accept the platitudes that so many of us automatically subscribed to … It was easy to see that he was destined for great things.”

In 1965 Tambo wrote: “At the age of l6, Nelson went to Fort Hare and there we first met: in the thick of a student strike.”

Tambo recalled that he and Mandela were “both born in the Transkei, he one year after me. We were students together at Fort Hare University College. With others we had founded the African National Congress Youth League. We went together into the Defiance Campaign of 1952, into general strikes against the government and sat in the same Treason Trial dock.”

The landscape near the village of Qunu in the Transkei region of the Eastern Cape. Nelson Mandela was born in Mvezo village, but spent his childhood in Qunu. (Rodger Bosch, Media Club South Africa)

Life in Johannesburg

After Fort Hare, Tambo went on to teach maths at St Peter’s School in Johannesburg. The school was eventually shut by the Nationalist government because, like Fort Hare, it gave its black students a quality education.

“From this school, killed by the government in later years because it refused to bow its head to government-dictated principles of a special education for ‘inferior’ Africans,” Tambo wrote, “graduated successive series of young men drawn inexorably into the African National Congress, because it was the head of our patriotic, national movement for our rights.”

An aerial view of Johannesburg in the late 1940s shows a prosperous young city fed by gold mining. It doesn’t show the daily suffering and indignity of the black labour needed to mine the gold. (SA Ports and Railways Archive, View from Above)

Mandela, meanwhile, fled to Johannesburg from his Transkei home to escape an arranged marriage.

In the city, Tambo wrote, Mandela “had his first encounter with the lot of the urban African in a teeming African township: overcrowding, incessant raids for passes, arrests, poverty, the pinpricks and frustrations of the white rule”.

In Johannesburg both joined the ANC. They became part of a group of young ANC members who increasingly thought the organisation was not taking strong enough action to fight white rule.

The Youth League

Mandela wrote: “Many felt, perhaps unfairly, that the ANC as a whole had become the preserve of a tired, unmilitant, privileged African elite more concerned with protecting their own rights than those of the masses.” They proposed forming a youth league “as a way of lighting a fire under the leadership of the ANC”.

In 1943, a delegation including Mandela, Tambo, Anton Lembede, Peter Mda and Walter Sisulu visited Alfred B Xuma, the head of the ANC.

“At our meeting, we told him that we intended to organise a youth league and a campaign of action designed to mobilise mass support,” Mandela wrote. “We told Dr Xuma that the ANC was in danger of becoming marginalised unless it stirred itself and took up new methods.”

The ANC Youth League was formed in 1944 with Lembede as president and Tambo as secretary. Sisulu became the treasurer and Mandela was part of the executive committee.

The Defiance Campaign

The National Party victory in the white elections of 1948 came as a surprise to many – including Mandela. The stated election manifesto was overtly apartheid: cementing, legislating and extending black repression and white minority rule.

“The victory was a shock,” Mandela wrote. “I was stunned and dismayed, but Oliver took a more considered line. ‘I like this,’ he said. ‘I like this.’ I could not imagine why. He explained, ‘Now we will know exactly who our enemies are and where we stand.’”

The battle lines were drawn. The softer policies of negotiation and compliance with white leadership had achieved nothing. The next year, 1949, there was a jump in ANC membership, which previously had lingered at around 5 000. It began to establish a firm presence in South African society.

In 1952, Mandela and Tambo were key in organising the Defiance Campaign. The ANC joined other anti-apartheid organisations in defiance against the restriction of political, labour and residential rights, during which protesters deliberately violated oppressive laws. The campaign was called off in April 1953 after the apartheid parliament voted in new laws prohibiting protest meetings.

Arrest and exile

In June 1955, the Congress of the People, organised by the ANC and Indian, coloured and white organisations at Kliptown near Johannesburg, adopted the Freedom Charter. This became the fundamental document of the struggle. In the same year, Tambo became secretary-general of the ANC after Sisulu was banned under the Suppression of Communism Act.

In December 1956, Mandela and Tambo were among 156 leaders, key members of the Congress Alliance, arrested and charged with treason. They included almost all of the executive committee of the ANC, as well as the South African Communist Party, the South African Indian Congress, and the Congress of Democrats. A total of 105 Africans, 21 Indians, 23 white and seven coloured leaders were arrested.

The trial was to last until 1961, with the state gradually reducing the number of accused until all charges were eventually dismissed.

In 1958, Tambo became deputy president of the ANC. But in 1959 he was served with a five-year banning order. Tambo was sent abroad by the ANC to mobilise opposition to apartheid. In 1967, he became president of the ANC after the death of Chief Albert Luthuli.

In the year after Tambo’s exile, 1960, came the Sharpeville massacre. The ANC leadership concluded that non-violence was no longer the answer to the struggle against apartheid.

In 1961 the ANC army, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), was formed. Mandela was its first leader. MK operations in the 1960s mostly targeted government facilities. Mandela was arrested in 1962, convicted of sabotage, and in 1964 sentenced to life imprisonment on Robben Island.

Endings

“Nelson Mandela is on Robben Island today,” Tambo wrote in 1965.

He added:

His inspiration lives on in the heart of every African patriot. He is the symbol of the self-sacrificing leadership our struggle has thrown up and our people need. He is unrelenting, yet capable of flexibility and delicate judgment.
He is an outstanding individual, but he knows that he derives his strength from the great masses of people, who make up the freedom struggle in our country.

Tambo died in April 1993, a year short of South Africa’s first democratic elections in 1994. South Africa’s future was still uncertain.

Mandela gave the eulogy at Tambo’s funeral.

“Go well, my brother, and farewell, dear friend,” he said.

He added:

As you instructed, we will bring peace to our tormented land.
As you directed, we will bring freedom to the oppressed and liberation to the oppressor. As you strived, we will restore the dignity of the dehumanised. As you commanded, we will defend the option of a peaceful resolution of our problems. As you prayed, we will respond to the cries of the wretched of the Earth.
In all this, we will not fail you.

Researched and written by Mary Alexander
Updated July 2024

The post Mandela and Tambo: A lifetime as comrades appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

Mary Alexander • 7 August 2025

“This is Durban, South Africa,” begins the caption of a video posted on the X account of US conspiracy theorist Alex Jones on 20 July 2025.

“This is what removing ‘White Oppression’ and replacing it with Soros NGO systems looks like,” it continues. “A glimpse into the future of ALL Western countries if changes are not made fast as already seen in the SH!T HOLE blue city’s across America.”

The post has been viewed more than 1.6 million times so far, and has spread widely on X (here and here), Facebook (here, here and here) and elsewhere (here, here and here).

The footage shows mounds of trash strewn over an otherwise almost empty street lined with closed-up shopfronts. Taken from TikTok, it’s overlaid with the text: “This is the situation in Durban town right now.” It’s also been reposted with captions such as “This is Durban, South Africa, in neighborhoods where there are no white people.”

Durban is a port city in South Africa’s eastern KwaZulu-Natal province, on the Indian Ocean coast.

Alex Jones, Donald Trump and ‘white oppression’

The founder of the InfoWars disinformation platform, Alex Jones has built his fortune on fake news and false conspiracies. For his relentless claim that the 2012 Sandy Hook school shooting – where 20 children aged six and seven were killed – was a hoax staged by “crisis actors”, US courts have ordered him to pay US$1.5 billion to the victims’ parents.

In the X post, what Jones means by “White Oppression” is presumably South Africa’s universally condemned racist system of apartheid, which ended with the country’s first democratic elections in 1994.

By “Soros” he refers to the billionaire US philanthropist George Soros, founder of the pro-democracy Open Society Foundations and a favourite target of conspiracy theorists.

Jones is a strident supporter of US president Donald Trump, a Republican.

Since retaking office in November 2024, Trump has made false claims about land restitution and white genocide in South Africa. He has also criticised its genocide case against Israel, cut US aid to the country and slapped a 30% tariff – the highest in sub-Saharan Africa – on South African imports.

Trump has in the past referred to African nations as “shithole countries”. Jones’s “SH!T HOLE blue city’s [sic] across America” is his description of cities governed by the US Democratic Party.

Nine days of violence in 2021

The video does show Durban, but during a historic upheaval more than four years ago.

We took a screengrab of its first frame and ran it through a Google image search. This led us to a Reddit thread on the clip, where one user had this to say:

The video was originally uploaded July 13, 2021 by TikTok user Afu Afu (@af__ptl) and shows Durban, South Africa during the July 2021 riots. The TikTok account is private now but it can be seen in tweets from the time.

The user links to two X posts with the same video, one from 15 July 2021 and the other posted three days later.

From 8 to 17 July 2021 violence exploded across South Africa after former president Jacob Zuma was sentenced to 15 months in prison for defying a court order to testify at a commission probing corruption during his presidency. The “Zuma riots” were largely confined to KwaZulu-Natal – Zuma’s home province – and the urban province of Gauteng.

The looting that followed was largely opportunistic, as people took advantage of the chaos to raid shops. More than 300 people were killed over the nine days. It remains the worst violence South Africa has seen since the end of apartheid.

At the time, the world was still gripped by Covid. Analysts ascribed the violence not only to longstanding poverty and inequality, intractable problems with roots deep in the apartheid past, but also the social and economic turmoil of the pandemic.

The video does not show a typical day in Durban. It was shot from 440 West Street in Durban Central, heading east. A Google Street View of the same route snapped in November 2024 shows a very different scene.

Taken in its entirety, Jones’s claim is false. The footage is from a moment four years ago, when the country faced the unprecedented crisis of the arrest of a former president. And it could be said that the July 2021 riots were ultimately caused by the “White Oppression” of apartheid, not by its removal.

The post Trump ally uses four-year-old footage of South Africa’s Zuma riots to justify ‘white oppression’ appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

History overlooks the role he played in the protests that led to the 1960 Sharpeville massacre, and the first global condemnation of the apartheid state.

“The Africanists take the view that there is only one race to which we all belong, and that is the human race,” Robert Sobukwe said in 1959. “In our vocabulary therefore, the word ‘race’, as applied to man, has no plural form.”

Born in 1924 as the youngest of six children of working-class parents, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe was an academic, a lawyer, a lyrical writer and a persuasive orator. He helped found South Africa’s Pan Africanist Congress (PAC) and was one of the first to propose a “nonracial” rather than “multiracial” future for the country.

For a time, apartheid authorities saw Sobukwe as more dangerous than leaders like Nelson Mandela.

In 1960, as president of the newly formed PAC, Sobukwe was key in organising protests against the pass laws.

The “dompas” (literally, dumb pass) was a document all black South Africans had to carry to allow them “pass” into apartheid South Africa’s cities – places many had lived all their lives.

In the late 1950s, the pass laws had been extended to include black women. Both the PAC and the African National Congress (ANC) responded with nationwide civil disobedience campaigns.

Breaking the system

Click animation to view from the start.

On the morning of 21 March 1960, aged 35, Sobukwe left his home in Mofolo, Soweto, to lead a small crowd on an eight-kilometre march to Orlando police station.

The crowd had one goal. To be arrested.

The pass laws made every black woman and man in the country a potential criminal – simply for being somewhere without the right documents.

Sobukwe and his comrades were trying to expose the absurdity of those laws by forcing the authorities to arrest, well, everyone. The hope was that with this many “criminals” to process, the pass law system would break down.

Just days before, Sobukwe had resigned his post as a lecturer at the University of the Witwatersrand and made arrangements for the safety of his family.

A week earlier he had written to South Africa’s commissioner of police, major-general Corrie Rademeyer, informing him that the PAC would be holding a five-day, nonviolent and disciplined protest against the pass laws.

As Sobukwe and his followers approached Orlando police station, they were arrested – as they expected.

What wasn’t expected was that 21 March 1960 would be Robert Sobukwe’s last real taste of freedom.

Sobukwe was so feared by the apartheid government that he would spend the rest of his life confined – in prison and then in internal exile under house arrest.

The Sharpeville massacre

On 21 March 1960, about 70 kilometres to the south of Mofolo in the township of Sharpeville outside Vereeniging, other tragic events were unfolding.

As a crowd of 5,000 peaceful protesters organised by the PAC approached the local police station, police opened fire.

Sixty-nine people were killed and more than 200 wounded, many of them shot in the back.

The Sharpeville massacre, as it became known, was a turning point in South Africa’s history.

It made headlines across the world and sharply intensified international pressure on the apartheid state.

In its aftermath the government imposed a state of emergency, banning both the ANC and PAC as illegal organisations and detaining 18,000 people.

The liberation movements responded by abandoning passive resistance for military struggle, with the ANC forming its armed wing Umkhonto we Sizwe, and the PAC its armed wing Poqo.

On 1 April 1960, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 134 after a complaint by 29 member states regarding “the situation arising out of the large-scale killings of unarmed and peaceful demonstrators against racial discrimination and segregation in the Union of South Africa”.

The resolution voiced the council’s anger at the policies and actions of the South African government, and called on the government to abandon apartheid.

With world authority behind it, UN Resolution 134 became a powerful weapon for the international anti-apartheid movement.

‘We are the first glimmers of a new dawn’

Sobukwe was born on 5 December 1924 in an apartheid-era “township”, a type of settlement in which black people were forced to live, outside the town of Graaff-Reinet in today’s Eastern Cape province.

The youngest of six children, his family was poor, celebrating Christmas with a new suit of clothes for each child – the only clothes bought during the year.

His father Hubert was a labourer and his mother Angelina a cleaner and cook at a local hospital. Both parents encouraged their children to pursue education, an education Sobukwe’s parents had been denied.

Sobukwe’s education followed the pattern of Nelson Mandela and other African intellectuals of the time.

Like Mandela, he went to high school at the Healdtown Institute, where he rose to be head boy. He then, like Mandela, went on to the University of Fort Hare, enrolling in 1947.

At university, Sobukwe registered for a Bachelor of Arts in English – he had a passion for poetry and drama – as well as Xhosa and Native Administration.

Before Fort Hare he had little time for politics, but his Native Administration studies sparked his interest and set the path for his life.

In 1948 Sobukwe joined the campus branch of the African National Congress Youth League (ANCYL). A year later he was elected president of the Fort Hare Students’ Representative Council (SRC), where he revealed his talents as a leader and orator.

His speech as outgoing SRC president in October 1949 gave a sense of ideas to come:

Let me plead with you, lovers of my Africa, to carry with you into the world the vision of a new Africa, an Africa reborn, an Africa rejuvenated, an Africa recreated, a young Africa. We are the first glimmers of a new dawn. And if we are persecuted for our views, we should remember, as the African saying goes, that it is darkest before dawn, and that the dying beast kicks most violently when it is giving up the ghost.

After university, Sobukwe took a teaching job in Standerton in today’s Mpumalanga province.

From 1950 to 1954 he was also secretary of the ANC’s Standerton branch.

During this time he became increasingly influenced by the writings of veteran ANC leader, lawyer and academic Anton Lembede, and started to adopt a more Africanist position in the organisation.

‘Race has no plural’

In 1954 Sobukwe was appointed lecturer in African Studies at the University of the Witwatersrand – earning him the nickname “the Prof” among his friends and fellow activists – and settled his family in Mofolo, Soweto, south of Johannesburg.

He joined the local ANC but was increasingly critical of what he saw as the organisation’s “liberal-left-multiracialist” policies.

Sobukwe’s antagonism to “multiracialism” – as opposed to “nonracialism” – and his Africanist philosophy came directly out of his appreciation of the absurdity of “race” as a real thing. He set out this view in a famous speech in 1959:

The structure of the body of man provides evidence to prove the biological unity of the human species. All scientists agree that there is no “race” that is superior to another, and there is no “race” that is inferior to others.

The Africanists take the view that there is only one race to which we all belong, and that is the human race. In our vocabulary therefore, the word “race”, as applied to man, has no plural form.

He continued:

Against multi-racialism we have this objection, that the history of South Africa has fostered group prejudices and antagonisms, and if we have to maintain the same group exclusiveness, parading under the term of multiracialism, we shall be transporting to the new Africa these very antagonisms and conflicts.

Further, multiracialism is in fact a pandering to European bigotry and arrogance. It is a method of safeguarding white interests, implying as it does, proportional representation irrespective of population figures. In that sense it is a complete negation of democracy.

Wesley House, the Methodist hostel at the University of Fort Hare where Robert Sobukwe likely stayed during his studies.

Founding the Pan African Congress

As an Africanist, Sobukwe was also a strong advocate for the political unity of the African continent, particularly in the context of the Cold War:

We regard it as the sacred duty of every African state to strive ceaselessly and energetically for the creation of a United States of Africa, stretching from Cape to Cairo, Morocco to Madagascar.

The days of small, independent countries are gone.

The pan-African movement was inspired by Kwame Nkrumah, the first president of Ghana, the first African state to gain independence.

Sobukwe said:

Dr Kwame Nkrumah has repeatedly stated that in international affairs, Africa wishes to pursue a policy of positive neutrality, allying herself to neither of the existing blocs but … remaining ‘independent in all things but neutral in none that affect the destiny of Africa’.

It is not the intention of African states to change one master (western imperialism) for another (Soviet hegemony).

In 1957 Sobukwe became editor of the well-regarded newspaper The Africanist, using it as an increasingly critical platform against the ANC’s domination by “liberal-left-multiracialists”. A year later he was instrumental in initiating an Africanist breakaway from the ANC, helping form the Pan Africanist Congress and becoming its first president.

Robert Sobukwe (front row, second from left) with the other founding members of the Pan Africanist Congress in 1957.

Solitary confinement and the Sobukwe Clause

After his arrest on 21 March 1960, Sobukwe was sentenced to three years in prison. He refused the help of an attorney and would not appeal the sentence. He said the apartheid court had no jurisdiction over him, as it was not a court of law or justice.

Just as his three-year term was up the South African government passed the General Law Amendment Act on 3 May 1963. This contained a special clause allowing the minister of justice to prolong the imprisonment of any political prisoner indefinitely.

The Sobukwe Clause, as it became known, was only ever applied to Robert Sobukwe.

• Read testimony by Zondeni Veronica Sobukwe, Robert Sobukwe’s widow, at the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in 1997

Sobukwe was moved to Robben Island, where he served a further six years in solitary confinement.

He had separate living quarters and was denied contact with other prisoners. But he was allowed books and study materials, and during this time earned a degree in Economics from the University of London.

In 1964, a year after his sentence was supposed to have ended, Sobukwe was offered a job by the National Association for the Advancement of Coloured People in the US.

But John Vorster, then the minister of justice and later prime minister of South Africa, refused to allow him to leave the country.

Release and house arrest

Robert Sobukwe with his friend Benjamin Pogrund after Sobukwe’s release from Robben Island in 1969. Pogrund, a journalist, is the author of the biography Robert Sobukwe – How can Man Die Better.

Sobukwe was finally released from jail in May 1969, but banished to the dusty township of Galeshewe outside Kimberley, in today’s Northern Cape province – a place some 500 kilometres equidistant from both Johannesburg and Sobukwe’s home town of Graaff Reinet.

There he was held under house arrest for 12 hours a day, and forbidden from taking part in any political activity.

In 1970 Sobukwe was again offered a job in the US, this time at the University of Wisconsin.

Again apartheid officials refused to allow him to leave South Africa.

While under house arrest Sobukwe studied law, completing his articles in Kimberley and opening his own legal practice in 1975. But soon after, he fell ill.

In July 1977 he applied for permission to seek treatment in Johannesburg. He was diagnosed with advanced lung cancer.

Despite his failing health, the government deliberately made it hard for Sobukwe to get the treatment he needed by insisting he comply with the conditions of his restrictions.

On 27 February 1978 he died from lung complications at Kimberley General Hospital. He was buried in Graaff Reinet, the town of his birth.

At the launch of the PAC in 1959, Sobukwe said:

We aim, politically, at government of the Africans by the Africans, for the Africans, with everybody who owes his only loyalty to Africa and who is prepared to accept the democratic rule of an African majority being regarded as an African.

Here is a tree rooted in African soil, nourished with waters from the rivers of Africa.

Come and sit under its shade and become, with us, the leaves of the same branch and the branches of the same tree.

Read more

• The 16 June 1976 students’ uprising – as it happened
• Nelson Mandela: the timeline of a lifetime
• Mapping poverty in South Africa
• Gallery: the Eastern Cape province

Researched and written by Mary Alexander
Updated 21 September 2024
Comments? Email mary1alexander@gmail.com

The post Robert Sobukwe: ‘There is only one race. The human race’ appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

Young men taunt police photographers in Soweto in June 1976. (Doing Violence to Memory: The Soweto Uprising)

Mary Alexander

By 1976 the frustration had been building for a generation. Young black South Africans had become aware that the apartheid plan was to deny them a real education.

Education for ‘Bantus’

Hendrik Verwoerd on the cover of Time magazine, 26 August 1966. (Time)

In 1953, five years after the National Party was elected on the platform of apartheid, the government passed the Bantu Education Act. This gave the central government total control of the education of black South Africans, and made independent schools for black children illegal.

The aim was simple: ensuring a stable and plentiful source of cheap labour. Black people would be educated only to the point where they were a useful but unthreatening (to white workers) workforce at the foundation of an economy built to only benefit white people.

A notorious quote by Hendrik Verwoerd, a National Party prime minister known as the “architect of apartheid”, makes the intention of the Act clear.

“There is no place for [the black person] in the European community above the level of certain forms of labour,” Verwoerd said in a 1954 speech, when he was still Minister of Native Affairs.

“For that reason it is of no avail for him to receive a training which has as its aim absorption in the European community while he cannot and will not be absorbed there. Up till now he has been subjected to a school system which drew him away from his own community and partically [sic] misled him by showing him the green pastures of the European but still did not allow him to graze there.”

Before the Act, South Africa had a rich tradition of independent mission schools. The education enjoyed by Nelson Mandela, Robert Sobukwe, Oliver Tambo, Govan Mbeki and many others allowed them to become some of the best minds in the country.

The apartheid government wanted cheap labour, but it also wanted to end the threat posed by bright African minds. Mission schools were closed, and universities such as Fort Hare had their high academic standards chopped to a stump.

A 1976 student’s poster on a fenced-in Soweto school reads: “Afrikaans is a sign of oppression, discrimination. To hell with Boere.” (Doing Violence to Memory: The Soweto Uprising)

No education – in three languages?

By 1976 young black people’s frustration with their education, and the bleak future it offered, was ready to explode. The fuse was lit when the government proposed to introduce Afrikaans as the language of teaching.

Black South Africans spoke their own languages. These had already been ignored in their education. English had long been the medium of instruction – their second language – and was a language most urban young black people were at least familiar with. Now the authorities wanted the people they had denied an education to learn a third language.

Two of the many placards produced by students during the uprising (later confiscated and photographed by the police) highlight their antagonism to Afrikaans. The placards were written in English, the students’ second language. (Doing Violence to Memory: The Soweto Uprising)

People who speak three languages are considered to be highly educated. These young people, given a rudimentary government education, were getting by in English. But almost none of them knew Afrikaans well enough to be taught in it, let alone write exams in the language.

Afrikaans was also the language of the oppressor. Today most of the people who speak Afrikaans aren’t white, but in the 1970s the language was still associated with Afrikaner nationalism, the ideology of the National Party, the nationalism of white Afrikaans-speaking people.

16 June 1976: 07h00

It’s a winter Wednesday morning, 16 June 1976. The Soweto Students Action Committee has organised the township’s high school pupils to march to Orlando Stadium to protest against the government’s new language policy.

The student leaders come mainly from three Soweto schools: Naledi High in Naledi, Morris Isaacson High in Mofolo, and Phefeni Junior Secondary, close to Vilakazi Street in Orlando.

The protest is well organised. It is to be conducted peacefully. The plan is for students to march from their schools, picking up others along the way, until they meet at Uncle Tom’s Municipal Hall. From there they are to continue to Orlando Stadium.

07h30

A photographer in a police helicopter captured this view of the students’ march, before the shooting started. (Doing Violence to Memory: The Soweto Uprising)

Students gather at Naledi High. The mood is high-spirited and cheerful. At assembly the principal gives the students his support and wishes them good luck.

Before they start the march, Action Committee chairperson Tebello Motopanyane addresses the students, emphasising that the march must be disciplined and peaceful.

At the same time, students gather at Morris Isaacson High. Action Committee member Tsietsi Mashinini speaks, also emphasising peace and order. The students set out.

On the way they pass other schools and numbers swell as more students join the march. Some Soweto students are not even aware that the march is happening.

“The first time we heard of it was during our short break,” said Sam Khosa of Ibhongo Secondary School. “Our leaders informed the principal that students from Morris Isaacson were marching. We then joined one of the groups and marched.”

There are eventually 11 columns of students marching to Orlando Stadium – up to 10 000 of them, according to some estimates.

09h00

There have been a few minor skirmishes with police along the way. But now the police barricade the students’ path, stopping the march.

Tietsi Mashinini climbs on a tractor so everyone can see him, and addresses the crowd.

“Brothers and sisters, I appeal to you – keep calm and cool. We have just received a report that the police are coming. Don’t taunt them, don’t do anything to them. Be cool and calm. We are not fighting.”

It is a tense moment for police and students. Police retreat to wait for reinforcements. The students continue their march.

09h30

The marchers arrive at today’s Hector Pieterson Square. Police again stop them.

Here everything changed. There have been different accounts of what started the shooting.

The atmosphere is tense. But the students remain calm and well-ordered.

Suddenly a white policeman lobs a teargas canister into the front of the crowd. People run out of the smoke dazed and coughing. The crowd retreats slightly, but remain facing the police, waving placards and singing.

Police have now surrounded the column of students, blocking the march at the front and behind. At the back of the crowd a policeman sets his dog on the students. The students retaliate, throwing stones at the dog.

A policeman at the back of the crowd draws his revolver. Black journalists hear someone shout, “Look at him. He’s going to shoot at the kids.”

The only picture we have of Hastings Ndlovu is from his tombstone. Here it is used on the information board at the Hastings Ndlovu memorial site in Orlando West in Soweto.

A single shot rings out. Hastings Ndlovu, 17 years old (other sources say 15), is the first to be shot. He dies later in hospital.

After the first shot, police at the front of the crowd panic and open fire.

Twelve-year-old Hector Pieterson collapses, fatally injured. He is picked up and carried by Mbuyisa Makhubo, a fellow student, who runs towards Phefeni Clinic. Pieterson’s crying sister Antoinette Sithole runs alongside. The moment is immortalised by photographer Sam Nzima, and the image becomes an emblem of the uprising.

There is pandemonium in the crowd. Children scream. More shots are fired. At least four students have fallen to the ground. The rest run screaming in all directions.

10h00

Dr Malcolm Klein, a coloured doctor in the trauma unit at Baragwanath Hospital, is on his break when a nurse summons him, distress on her face.

“I followed her and was met by a grisly scene: a rush of orderlies wheeling stretchers bearing the bodies of bloodied children into the resuscitation room,” he recalled later. “All had the red ‘Urgent Direct’ stickers stuck to their foreheads …

“I stared in horror at the stretcher bearing the body of a young boy in a neat school uniform, a bullet wound to one side of his head, blood spilling out of a large exit wound on the other side, the gurgle of death in his throat. Only later would I learn his name: Hastings Ndlovu.”

12h00

Anger at the killings sparks retaliation.

Buildings and vehicles belonging to the government’s West Rand Administrative Buildings are set alight. Bottle stores are burned and looted.

More students are killed by police, particularly in encounters near Regina Mundi Church in Orlando and the Esso garage in Chiawelo. As students are stopped by the police in one area, they move their protest action elsewhere.

By the end of the day most of Soweto has felt the impact of the protest.

Schools close early, at about noon. Many students, so far unaware of the day’s events, walk out of school to a township on fire. Many join the protests. The uprising gains intensity.

21h00

Fires continue into the night. Armoured police cars, later known as “hippos”, start moving into Soweto.

Official figures put the death toll for 16 June at 23 people killed. Other reports say it was at least 200.

Most of the victims are under 23, and many shot in the back. Many more survive with disabling injuries.

The aftermath

The uprising spreads across South Africa. By the end of the year about 575 people have died across the country, 451 at the hands of police.

The injured number 3 907, with the police responsible for 2 389 of them. During the course of 1976, about 5 980 people are arrested in the townships.

International solidarity movements are roused as an immediate consequence of the revolt. They soon give their support to the students, putting pressure on the apartheid government to temper its repressive rule. Many students leave South Africa to join the exiled liberation movements.

This pressure is maintained through the 1980s, until resistance movements are finally unbanned in 1990. Four years later, on 27 and 28 April 1994, South Africa holds its first democratic elections.

Sources and more information

See the South African History Online feature The June 16 Soweto Youth Uprising.

Additional information – particularly the memories of Baragwanath Hospital trauma doctor Malcolm Klein – sourced from “The Soweto Uprising – Part 1” by Sifiso Mxolisi Ndlovu, in chapter 7 of The Road to Democracy in South Africa Volume 2, published by the South African Democracy Education Trust. Many events omitted from this timeline are to be found in this comprehensive and moving account. The chapter can be downloaded in PDF.

Researcher Helena Pohlandt-McCormick has made a wealth of testimony, photos and documents about the 1976 student uprising available online. Browse her outstanding archive Doing Violence to Memory: The Soweto Uprising.

Researched and written by Mary Alexander
Updated 26 December 2024

The post The 16 June 1976 Soweto students’ uprising – as it happened appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

Street art in San Francisco shows Nelson Mandela addressing the massive crowd who greeted him on the Grand Parade as he gave his first speech, from a Cape Town city hall balcony, after his release on 11 February 1990 from 27 years in prison. (Julie Pimentel, CC BY-NC 2.0)

• READ MORE: Nelson Mandela’s family tree

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1910s

18 July 1918 – Nelson Mandela born in Mvezo, Eastern Cape province, South Africa. His mother, Nonqaphi Fanny Nosekeni, is one of four wives of his father, Mphakanyiswa Gadla Henry Mandela, a “chief by both blood and custom“.

His birth name is Rolihlahla. In isiXhosa it literally translates as “pulling the branch of a tree”. But colloquially, it means “troublemaker“.

1920s

1925 – Mandela begins primary school near his home village of Qunu. His teacher names him “Nelson”.

Nelson Mandela with his class at Healdtown College circa 1937 to 1938. Mandela is in the back row, fifth from right. (South African History Online)

In his autobiography Long Walk to Freedom, Mandela wrote: “On the first day of school, my teacher, Miss Mdingane, gave each of us an English name and said that from thenceforth that was the name we would answer to in school. This was the custom among Africans in those days and was undoubtedly due to the British bias of our education.”

Another story is that the teacher named him “Nelson” after British Navy admiral Horatio Nelson, hero of the Battle of Trafalgar.

The Nelson Mandela Foundation says it’s “unclear why Miss Mdingane chose the name ‘Nelson’”.

Mandela wrote: “That day, Miss Mdingane told me that my new name was Nelson. Why she bestowed this particular name upon me I have no idea. Perhaps it had something to do with the great British sea captain Lord Nelson, but that would be only a guess.”

1930s

Nelson Mandela in Mthatha in 1937, aged 19.

1930 – Mandela’s father Mphakanyiswa Gadla Henry Mandela dies. In his autobiography Mandela recalls his father dying when he was nine. He was 12.

Mandela becomes the ward of the Thembu regent, paramount chief Jongintaba Dalindyebo.

1934 – At the age of 16, Mandela undergoes the Xhosa initiation and circumcision ritual. He enrols in the Clarkebury Boarding Institute in Engcobo.

1937 – Enrols in Healdtown, the Wesleyan college in the Eastern Cape town of Fort Beaufort.

1939 – Enrols at the University College of Fort Hare in Alice, Eastern Cape, for a bachelor of arts degree. Here he meets Oliver Tambo.

1940s

1940 – Expelled from university for joining in a protest boycott.

1941 – Fleeing an arranged marriage, Mandela moves to Johannesburg and works briefly as a night watchman on a gold mine.

1941 – Meets Walter Sisulu, an active member of the African National Congress (ANC), South Africa’s major anti-apartheid liberation movement and today the country’s ruling party. Sisulu recommends Mandela for employment as an articled clerk at the law firm Witkin, Sidelsky and Eidelmana, and the two become firm friends.

1942 – Begins to attend ANC meetings.

1942 – Completes his bachelor of arts degree by correspondence through the University of South Africa.

1943 – Enrols for an LLB postgraduate law degree at the University of the Witwatersrand.

2 April 1944 – Founds the ANC Youth League together with Anton Lembede, Oliver Tambo and Walter Sisulu.

5 October 1944 – Mandela marries Evelyn Ntoko Mase, his first wife.

Nelson Mandela and his future first wife Evelyn Mase in the bridal party at Walter and Albertina Sisulu’s wedding on 17 July 1944. Mandela was best man. Mandela and Mase were to marry three months later, on 5 October 1944.

1946 – First son Madiba Thembekile (Thembi) born to Evelyn Mase.

1947 – Mandela’s first daughter and second child Makaziwe born to Evelyn Mase. The baby dies nine months later.

1948 – Mandela is elected national secretary of the ANC Youth League.

1948 – The whites-only electorate votes the racist National Party into power in South Africa. Apartheid becomes official government policy.

1949 – The ANC adopts its Programme of Action, inspired by the Youth League, which advocates the weapons of boycott, strike, civil disobedience and non-cooperation with authority.

1950s

1950 – The government passes the Suppression of Communism Act. This bans the South African Communist Party. It also bans the “ideology” of communism. The Act broadly defines “communism” as anything aimed “at bringing about any political, industrial, social, or economic change within the Union by the promotion of disturbance or disorder” or encouraging “feelings of hostility between the European and the non-European races”.

1950 – Mandela’s second son and third child Makgatho born to Evelyn Mase.

1951 – Elected president of the ANC Youth League.

1952 – The ANC launches the Campaign for Defiance of Unjust Laws, later simply known as the Defiance Campaign. Mandela is elected as the ANC’s national volunteer-in-chief and travels South Africa organising resistance.

In one of many acts of protest during the Defiance Campaign of 1952, a group of black South Africans took over a train compartment reserved for whites and rode into Cape Town, shouting the slogan “Africa!” Thirty-four were then arrested by Cape Town police. (Have You Heard From Johannesburg)

1952 – Mandela is arrested and tried with Walter Sisulu and 18 others under the Supression of Communism Act for his role in the campaign. He is sentenced to nine months’ imprisonment with hard labour, suspended for two years.

1952 – Elected president of the Transvaal region of the ANC, and as the first of ANC deputy presidents.

1952 – Opens South Africa’s first black-owned law firm in downtown Johannesburg in partnership with Oliver Tambo.

1953 – Devises the M-Plan – or Mandela Plan – for the ANC’s future underground operations.

1953 – Second daughter and fourth child born to Evelyn Mase, and named Makaziwe in honour of her infant sister.

26 June 1955 – The Congress of the People, and alliance of anti-apartheid movements that includes the ANC, adopts the Freedom Charter at Kliptown in Soweto. The charter declared fundamental tenets of a free South Africa, such as “South Africa belongs to all who live in it, black and white, and that no government can justly claim authority unless it is based on the will of all the people.”

Oliver Tambo and Nelson Mandela, young attorneys and partners in South Africa’s first black-owned law firm, in the mid-1950s. (The Peto Collection, University of Dundee)

5 December 1956 – Mandela and 150 others arrested and charged with treason. The marathon Treason Trial of 1956 to 1961 followed. All charges were eventually dropped.

1958 – Mandela divorces Evelyn Mase and marries Winnie Madikizela.

1959 – Third daughter and fifth child Zenani (Zeni) born to Winnie Madikizela-Mandela.

1959 – The Africanist faction of the ANC breaks away to form the Pan Africanist Congress under the leadership of Robert Sobukwe and Potlako Leballo.

1960s

21 March 1960 – Police open fire on a peaceful demonstration against the pass laws organised by the PAC in the township of Sharpeville, killing 69 people – many of them shot in the back. The reaction is immediate, with demonstrations, protest marches, strikes and riots across South Africa.

21 March 1960, the aftermath of the Sharpeville massacre. Sixty-nine people were shot dead by police and a further 180 wounded. (University of the Western Cape Robben Island Mayibuye Museum Archive)

30 March 1960 – The South African government declares a state of emergency, detaining more than 18 000 people, and banning the ANC and other liberation movements.

1960 – Mandela’s fourth daughter and sixth child Zindziswa (Zindzi) born to Winnie Madikizela.

1961 – The Treason Trial ends with all charges against Mandela and his co-defendants being dropped.

1961 – The ANC decides to move from nonviolent to violent means of opposing apartheid. The movement’s armed wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe (“Spear of the Nation”), is formed, with Mandela as commander-in-chief.

1961 – In the face of government repression, Mandela goes underground, becoming a master of disguise and managing to evade arrest with such success the media nicknames him the Black Pimpernel.

5 August 1962 – After travelling abroad, and being on the run for 17 months, Mandela is arrested near Howick in Natal and imprisoned in the Johannesburg Fort. He would only be free again in 1990, 28 years later.

The site near Howick where Nelson Mandela was captured in 1962 is today marked by a steel sculpture of his face, which can only be clearly viewed from a specific angle. (Willem van Valkenburg, CC BY 2.0)

25 October 1962 – Mandela is convicted of unlawfully exiting the country and incitement to strike. He is sentenced to five years on Robben Island, the notorious political prison off the coast near Cape Town.

11 July 1963 – While Mandela is in prison, police arrest prominent ANC leaders at their hideout on Liliesleaf Farm in Rivonia, north of Johannesburg.

1963 – Mandela and his arrested ANC comrades are charged with sabotage and other crimes in the Rivonia Trial.

20 April 1964 – At the opening of the defence case at the Pretoria Supreme Court, Mandela makes his famous statement from the dock at the Rivonia Trial, in which he lays out the reasoning in the ANC’s decision to use violence.

Mandela’s statement concludes:

“I have cherished the ideal of a democratic and free society in which all persons live together in harmony and with equal opportunities. It is an ideal for which I hope to live for and to see realised. But my lord, if it needs be, it is an ideal for which I am prepared to die.”

Listen to the final 90 seconds of the speech:

12 June 1964 – The Rivonia Trial ends with Mandela and all his co-accused – except Rusty Bernstein – being found guilty and sentenced to life imprisonment. Mandela is sent to Robben Island. As a D-group prisoner, the lowest classification, he is allowed one visitor and one letter every six months.

1965 – Mandela’s book No Easy Walk to Freedom is published by Heinemann.

1968 – Mandela’s mother, Nonqaphi Fanny Nosekeni, dies.

1969 – A plan to spring Mandela from jail is infiltrated by secret agent Gordon Winter. Winter is working for the South African authorities, who want Mandela to escape so they can shoot him during recapture. The plot is foiled by British Intelligence.

Mandela’s sons Thembekile (left) and Makgatho with their mother Evelyn Mase in the early 1950s. When Thembekile died in a car crash in 1969, aged just 23, Mandela was not allowed to attend his funeral.

1969 – Mandela’s first-born son Thembi Mandela dies in a car crash, aged 23. Mandela, on Robben Island, is not allowed to attend the funeral.

1969 – Winnie Madikizela-Mandela is jailed at Pretoria Central Prison, where she will spend the next 18 months in solitary confinement.

1970s

1973 – Daughter Zenani Mandela marries Prince Thumbumuzi Dlamini, elder brother of King Mswati III of Swaziland.

1973 – A nuclear particle discovered by University of Leeds scientists is named the “Mandela particle”.

16 June 1976 – In Soweto, South African police open fire on schoolchildren protesting against the use of Afrikaans as a medium of instruction. The Soweto Uprising begins, quickly spreading across South Africa. By the end of the year about 575 people have died, 451 at the hands of police. Thousands of young people leave South Africa to join the ANC’s forces in neighbouring countries.

1980s

March 1982 – Mandela is transferred from Robben Island to Pollsmoor Prison in Cape Town, along with other ANC leaders Walter Sisulu, Andrew Mlangeni, Ahmed Kathrada and Raymond Mhlaba. It is speculated that this is to remove their influence on a new generation of young black activists imprisoned on Robben Island.

26 June 1983 – Sculpture in a city park by Elisabeth Frink, dedicated to Mandela, is unveiled in Dublin, Ireland. As second sculpture was unveiled in Dublin a year later.

A 1984 United Democratic Front poster calling on white, coloured and Indian South Africans to boycott separately organised apartheid elections.

20 August 1983 – The United Democratic Front (UDF), a coalition of about 400 civic, church, students’, workers’ and other organisations, formed to fight apartheid inside South Africa. With the slogan “UDF unites, apartheid divides”, its 3- million members were a powerful force in the internal anti-apartheid struggle.

1984 – English ska band The Special AKA release the song “Free Nelson Mandela”, which reaches number nine on the British charts. The song was banned in South Africa, but bootleg tracks found their way into many parties.

February 1985 – President PW Botha offers to free Mandela on condition that he unconditionally rejects violence as a political weapon.

Mandela rejects the offer. In a statement, he says:

“What freedom am I being offered while the organisation of the people remains banned? Only free men can negotiate. A prisoner cannot enter into contracts.”

28 October 1985 – Statue of Mandela is unveiled in Southbank in London by Oliver Tambo, now the exiled president of the ANC.

November 1985 – Minister of Justice and Prisons Kobie Coetsee meets Mandela in Volks Hospital in Cape Town, where Mandela is recovering from prostate surgery. This is the first meeting between Mandela and the National Party government and is followed by a series of tentative meetings that lay the groundwork for future negotiations. But little progress is made.

1985 – Stevie Wonder dedicates his Oscar for the song “I Just Called to Say I Love You” to Mandela. Wonder’s music is then banned by the state-run SABC, the South African Broadcasting Corporation.

1988 – Mandela is transferred from Pollsmoor Prison to Victor Verster Prison near Paarl in the Western Cape. A number of restrictions are lifted, and friends and family are able to meet him.

1988 – The Nelson Mandela 70th Birthday Tribute concert is held at London’s Wembley Stadium. It was a focal point of the external anti-apartheid movement, with prominent musicians – including Simple Minds, Santana, Tracy Chapman, Salif Keita, Annie Lennox and Whitney Houston – voicing their support for Mandela.

1989 – President PW Botha Botha is replaced by FW de Klerk.

1990s

The front page of the Sunday Times on 11 February 1990, the day of Nelson Mandela’s release. FW de Klerk is to his right. It was illegal for any photos of political prisoners to be published, so this was the first picture of Mandela the world had seen since 1962. (Sunday Times)

2 February 1990 – President FW de Klerk announces Mandela and other political prisoners will be released and the ANC and other resistance movements unbanned.

11 February 1990 – In the full glare of international media attention, Mandela walks free from Victor Verster Prison in Cape Town.

4 May 1990 – Negotiations to end apartheid between the ANC and the government begin at the presidential residence, Groote Schuur. They issue the Groote Schuur Minute, a joint commitment to resolve the existing climate of violence and intimidation and to remove practical obstacles to negotiation, including indemnity from prosecution for returning exiles and the release of political prisoners.

6 August 1990 – The ANC and the government extend their consensus in the Pretoria Minute, which includes the suspension of the armed struggle by the ANC’s military wing, Umkhonto weSizwe.

1991 – The first national conference of the ANC held inside South Africa in decades elects Mandela as president of the party. Oliver Tambo, the previous president, becomes national chairperson.

20 August 1991 – The United Democratic Front is disbanded.

14 September 1991 – The National Peace Accord is signed by representatives of 27 political organisations and national and homeland governments, preparing the way for the Convention for a Democratic South Africa (Codesa) negotiations.

20 December 1991 – Plenary session of Codesa at the World Trade Centre in Kempton Park, near Johannesburg.

On 11 February 1990 Mandela made his first public speech, after 27 years in jail, to a crowd of 100 000 gathered on the Grand Parade in Cape Town. There was “no option” but that struggle against apartheid continue until the system was dismantled, he said. “But we express the hope that a climate conducive to a negotiated settlement will be created soon, so that there may no longer be any need for the armed struggle to continue.”

18 March 1992 – After the National Party begins to lose by-elections to the pro-apartheid Conservative party, a referendum of white voters is held to determine if FW de Klerk has their mandate to end apartheid. An overwhelming 68% votes “yes”, allowing negotiations to proceed.

April 1992 – Mandela and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela separate.

May 1992 – Codesa II begins the second round of negotiations.

17 June 1992 – The Boipatong massacre. During the night, a heavily armed band of Inkatha Freedom Party loyalists invade the Vaal township of Boipatong and kill 46 people. Mandela accuses the government of complicity in the atrocity and withdraws the ANC from negotiations. The ANC takes to the streets with a programme of rolling mass action.

17 June 1992, the aftermath of the Boipatong massacre. Photographer Greg Marinovich describes the image: “The aunt of nine-month-old Aaron Mathope sits next to his body in Boipatong township, south of Johannesburg, 1992. On this day, 45 people were killed by Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) supporting Zulus. Aaron and his mother were hacked to death, and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) found both the IFP and the security forces of the then-white regime responsible.” (Greg Marinovich, University of Cape Town Digital Collections)

7 September 1992 – The army of the spurious “homeland” of Ciskei opens fire on protest marchers near Bhisho, killing 28. The Bhisho massacre brings a new urgency to the search for a political settlement.

7 September 1992, the Bhisho massacre in progress. Photographer Greg Marinovich describes the image: “African National Congress supporters flee towards the South African side of the border with the Ciskei bantustan after they were fired at, killing 29 marchers and wounding dozens, during an ANC march on the Ciskei homeland, 7 September, 1992. The ANC supporters were killed when Ciskei security forces opened fire after the marchers broke through the border in an attempt to force the Ciskeien military leader, Brigadier Oupa Gqozo, to allow free political activity in Ciskei.” (Greg Marinovich, University of Cape Town Digital Collections)

26 September 1992 – Negotiations resume when the government and ANC agree on a Record of Understanding dealing with a constitutional assembly, an interim government, political prisoners, hostels, dangerous weapons and mass action.

1 April 1993 – The Multiparty Negotiating Forum (MPNF) gathers for the first time, with political groupings on the more extreme right and left taking part, as well as traditional African leadership.

On 20 June 1990 Tokyo Sexwale (right) showed Chris Hani, recently returned from exile, around Johannesburg. Hani was murdered three years later, in April 1993.

10 April 1993 – Chris Hani, the leader of the South African Communist Party and a senior member of the ANC, is assassinated outside his home by right-wingers intent on derailing negotiations. Instead, faced with a country on the brink of civil war, the main parties push for a settlement. Polish immigrant Janusz Waluś and senior Conservative Party leader Clive Derby-Lewis are later jailed for life for the crime.

18 November 1993 – The MPNF ratifies the interim Constitution in the early hours of the morning. A Transitional Executive Council will now oversee the run-up to a democratic election.

10 December 1993 – Mandela and FW de Klerk are jointly awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for their different roles in ending apartheid.

December 1993 – Mandela is named Person of the Year by Time magazine, together with FW de Klerk, Yasser Arafat and Yitzhak Rabin.

27 April 1994 – South Africa’s first democratic elections are held, and Mandela gets to vote for the first time in his life. The ANC wins 62% of the vote.

10 May 1994 – Mandela is inaugurated as South Africa’s first democratically elected president.

1994 – Mandela publishes his autobiography Long Walk to Freedom, which he started writing in prison.

1995 – The Truth and Reconciliation Commission is set up in terms of the Promotion of National Unity and Reconciliation Act. It is headed by Anglican Archbishop Desmond Tutu.

On 27 April 1994 Nelson Mandela, aged 75, got to vote for the first time in his life. (Chris Sattlberger, UN Photo)

1995 – South Africa hosts, and wins, the Rugby World Cup. Rugby was previously seen as a whites-only sport, but Mandela gave the country’s team much high-profile support. After the Springboks beat New Zealand in the final, Mandela presented the trophy to captain Francois Pienaar, an Afrikaner, wearing a Springbok shirt with Pienaar’s number 6 on the back. This important step in reconciliation was popularised in the movie Invictus, starring Morgan Freeman as Mandela and Matt Damon as Pienaar.

March 1996 – Mandela and Winnie Madikizela-Mandela divorce.

18 July 1998 – On his 80th birthday Mandela marries Graça Machel (née Simbine), widow of Samora Machel, the president of Mozambique until his death in 1986.

2 September 1998 – Mandela is appointed the 19th secretary-general of the Non-Aligned Movement.

14 June 1999 – Thabo Mbeki succeeds Mandela as president of South Africa.

2000s

July 2001 – Mandela is diagnosed and successfully treated for prostate cancer.

9 July 2002 – US President George W Bush awards Mandela the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the United States’ highest civilian award, in Washington.

2003 – Mandela lends his name to the 46664 Aids awareness and fundraising campaign, named for his former prison number.

June 2004 – Aged 85, Mandela announces that he will be retiring from public life. Citing failing health and the need to spend more time with his family, he said he wanted to be in a position of “calling you to ask whether I would be welcome, rather than being called upon to do things and participate in events. My appeal therefore is: Don’t call me, I will call you.”

2004 – Mandela’s first wife Evelyn Mase dies.

6 January 2005 – Mandela’s oldest living son Makgatho Mandela dies of Aids, aged 54.

18 July 2007 – On Mandela’s 89th birthday he, Graça Machel and Desmond Tutu convene The Elders, a grouping of world leaders set up to contribute their wisdom and independent leadership to solving the world’s toughest problems. Other members include Kofi Annan, Ela Bhatt, Gro Harlem Brundtland, Jimmy Carter, Li Zhaoxing, Mary Robinson and Muhammad Yunus.

18 July 2008 – Mandela’s 90th birthday is marked across the world, with the main South African celebrations held at his home town of Qunu. A concert in his honour is held in Hyde Park, London.

November 2009 – The UN General Assembly announces that Mandela’s birthday, 18 July, is to be known internationally as Mandela Day.

2010s

26 January 2011 – Mandela admitted to hospital with an acute respiratory infection, and discharged three days later.

21 June 2011 – Michelle Obama and her daughters Sasha and Malia visit Mandela at his Houghton home.

Michelle Obama spends time with an ailing Nelson Mandela at his home in Houghton, Johannesburg, on 21 June 2011. (Samantha Appleton, Obama White House)

November 2012 – New South African bank notes are issued with Mandela’s portrait as the main image. South African slang for paper money quickly becomes “Madibas” or “Mandelas”.

Winnie Madikizela-Mandela, Mandela’s wife for almost 30 years, at his memorial service in Johannesburg on 10 December 2013. (GCIS)

18 to 26 December 2012 – Mandela is admitted to hospital for tests. He is discharged on 26 December after treatment for a lung infection and gall stones, having spent the longest period in hospital since his release from prison.

9 March 2013 – Mandela is again admitted to hospital, for treatment of lung disorders, in the first of many hospitalisations over the next few months.

18 July 2013 – Mandela celebrates his 95th birthday while again undergoing treatment at a Pretoria hospital. Doctors describe his condition as “stable but critical”.

1 September 2013 – After almost three months in hospital, Mandela is discharged with a full medical team to his home in Houghton, Johannesburg.

5 December 2013 – Mandela dies at his home in Houghton at the age of 95. An official 10-day period of mourning is declared in South Africa.

10 December 2013 – A memorial service for Mandela is held at Soccer City Stadium near Soweto in Johannesburg. It is attended by global leaders and thousands of South Africans.

11 to 13 December 2013 – Mandela’s body lies in state at the Union Buildings in Pretoria for South Africans to say goodbye.

15 December 2013 – Nelson Mandela’s state funeral is held in Qunu in the Eastern Cape, where he is buried.

Researched, written and designed by Mary Alexander.
Updated 10 October 2023.
Comments? Email mary1alexander@gmail.com.

The post Nelson Mandela 1918-2013: the timeline of a lifetime appeared first on South Africa Gateway.

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The old provinces were the Cape and Natal, former British colonies, and the Transvaal and Orange Free State, once Boer (or Afrikaner) republics.

At the end of the Second Anglo-Boer War of 1899 to 1902 (more accurately known as the South African War because all groups were, in one way or another,  involved in the conflict), Britain controlled all four territories. These were combined into the Union of South Africa, a dominion of the British Empire, in 1910. In 1961, following a whites-only referendum, the country left the British Commonwealth and became the Republic of South Africa.

Click image for more information.

In 1996, following the country’s first democratic elections in 1994, South Africa’s new constitution dismantled the “homelands” and established nine new provinces in place of the old four.

• READ MORE: The nine provinces of South Africa

Natal and the Orange Free State remained the same territories, but were renamed KwaZulu-Natal and the Free State.

The Cape and Transvaal were broken up into smaller provinces:

• The Cape became the Northern Cape, Eastern Cape, Western Cape and the western part of North West.
• The Transvaal became Gauteng, Limpopo, Mpumalanga and the eastern part of North West.

The ‘homelands’

The African “homelands” – also known as Bantustans – were established as part of the grand apartheid strategy of “separate development”. The idea was to establish states to which black South Africans were forced to have citizenship, thereby denying them citizenship of – and rights in – South Africa as a whole.

These spurious states were not recognised by the rest of the world. They were set up on scattered parcels of uneconomic land, often with tracts of “South Africa” between them. This meant that cheap black migrant labour would always be available to profit the white economy, as the jobs were only in the areas set aside for white people.

There were 10 homelands, each established for a specific “tribe” or ethic group. The notion of this ethnicity, these “tribes”, was the apartheid government’s racist simplification of complex linguistic and cultural groups.

Tribalism was used to argue that apartheid was simply filling the needs of nationalism – KwaZulu for the Zulu nation, Transkei for the Xhosa nation, Bophutatswana for the Tswana nation and so on, while the rest of South Africa was for the white nation (whatever that is).

The ethnicity designated for each homeland was:

• Bophuthatswana – Tswana
• Ciskei and Transkei – Xhosa
• Gazankulu – Shangaan and Tsonga
• KwaZulu – Zulu
• Lebowa – Pedi and Northern Ndebele
• Qwa Qwa – Basotho
• Venda – Venda

In 1970 the Bantu Homelands Citizenship Act was passed, which made black people living throughout South Africa legal citizens in a specific homeland, according to the ethnicity set down for them in the population register.

While the plan was for all 10 homelands to eventually become “independent” (again, an independence not recognised by the rest of the world), only four ever did: the Transkei in 1976, Bophuthatswana in 1977, Venda in 1979, and Ciskei in 1981.

Researched, written and designed by Mary Alexander
Updated 24 September 2024
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